Sabtu, 24 Januari 2015

!! Ebook Capitalism v. Democracy: Money in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, by Timothy Kuhner

Ebook Capitalism v. Democracy: Money in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, by Timothy Kuhner

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Capitalism v. Democracy: Money in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, by Timothy Kuhner

Capitalism v. Democracy: Money in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, by Timothy Kuhner



Capitalism v. Democracy: Money in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, by Timothy Kuhner

Ebook Capitalism v. Democracy: Money in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, by Timothy Kuhner

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Capitalism v. Democracy: Money in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, by Timothy Kuhner

Capitalism v. Democracy offers the key to understanding why corporations are now citizens, money is political speech, limits on corporate spending are a form of censorship, democracy is a free market, and political equality and democratic integrity are unconstitutional constraints on money in politics. Supreme Court opinions have dictated these conditions in the name of the Constitution, as though the Constitution itself required the privatization of democracy. Kuhner explores the reasons behind these opinions, reveals that they form a blueprint for free market democracy, and demonstrates that this design corrupts both politics and markets. He argues that nothing short of a constitutional amendment can set the necessary boundaries between capitalism and democracy.

  • Sales Rank: #78120 in Audible
  • Published on: 2015-01-26
  • Format: Unabridged
  • Original language: English
  • Running time: 818 minutes

Most helpful customer reviews

8 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
"Socialism for tycoons, capitalism for the rest of us."
By Tom Holzel
This is an astonishingly erudite exposition of the problem of money corrupting politics and how the Roberts Court is unwittingly harming real capitalism by misreading the Constitution. But it is not just another dreary leftwing jeremiad about the evils of capitalism; indeed, Kuhner defends true capitalism from its evil twin, "crony capitalism." The latter is a form of 18th Century mercantilism where a theocratic or aristocratic elite controlled all commerce for its own benefit by restricting access to labor, commercial rights and markets. Money in politics today is the new mercantile elite. It is ever more evident in producing the same distortion of the invisible hand of price and product allocation by lobbying for favorable tariffs, tax exemptions, avoidance of legal restrictions such as pollution controls and safety regulations that apply to less wealthy corporations.

The central issue is not whether capitalism and democracy is the best system--that issue has been long settled--but how the two forces should interact. How is liberty to be protected and wealth produced? What activities should be governed by the state and which by the market? These issues have all too often only been addressed by academics with sharp ideological axes to grind and with only the most slanted historical analysis on which to pin their half-baked arguments.

While a distinct liberal, Timothy Kuhner is not, I repeat, not an anti-capitalist (which I'm sure will dishearten his more ardent admirers). He emphasizes this time and again: "Properly understood...the interests of capitalism are aligned with the public interest itself," and "society suffers when capitalism is corrupted." (p 256).

What his complaint is, is that "crony capitalism" is ruining both democracy by corrupting all politicians, and capitalism by distorting its unparalleled ability to produce wealth and well-being.

As an economics major in the very distant past, I cannot remember ever having read such a well-argued exposition that balances the issues so perfectly between law, politics, economic theory and history--and without the obligatory corrosive impetus to slide in sly jabs at Republican politics. The jabs are overt, well placed and carefully dissected. The only complaint I have, and it is a mere nit compared to the monumental stature of this exposition, is that while the harmful effects of conservative policies are well documented, there were no strong examples of the overwhelming liberal excesses of killing the capitalistic goose with a thousand government programs. Ah, well, at 351 pages maybe the next book will handle that side of the equation.

4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Highly, highly recommended
By @BobbyGvegas
My email to the author:
__

About 2/3rds through now. Your book is to Constitutional history and SCOTUS as Nomi Prins' "All the Presidents' Bankers" is to the FIRE sector.

As fine a takedown of Originalism and Public Choice theory as I've ever encountered, btw. More broadly, thus far an erudite immolation of the prevailing, enervating BS that is giving me a migraine.

Were I still teaching collegiate Critical Thinking / Argument Analysis, yours would be a required text.

Cheers-

BobbyG
__

UPDATE: I finished it. My Kindle reader copy is awash in yellow highlighter. A tour de force of jurisprudential scholarship and principled moral reasoning. A very important book, particularly in the wake of the SCOTUS Hobby Lobby ruling.

7 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
U.S. Democracy is Increasingly Subservient to Capitalists
By Loyd Eskildson
It took several constitutional amendments over about 200 years to prevent political power from being officially conditioned upon property ownership, sex, and race. Today, however, political power is increasingly conditioned upon wealth - undoing much of the impact of those struggles for inclusion. Officeholders have become increasingly beholden to big donors, interest-groups, corporate political power - leaving ordinary citizens with a diminishing role.

As of the 2012 election, it costs about $1 billion to become president, $10 million to become a senator, and $1 million to become a member of the House of Representatives. Spending in U.S. congressional and presidential campaigns topped $6 billion in 2012, up from $5.3 billion in 2008, $4.2 billion in 2004. President Obama appeared at 221 fundraisers in 24 states during the 2012 election season, vs. 101 rallies in ten states during the same period. Romney's fundraising was similarly rigorous and notably more informative than his public appearances. SuperPACs and dark money groups raised more than the national party committees - the majority of superPAC funds came via seven-figure checks. Dark money groups, such as Karl Rove's Crossroads GPS and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, do not have to reveal the identities of their donors - thus, the people and interests behind $400 million in 2012 spending will never be known. After the 2008 election, nearly 80% of those who collected over $500,000 for Obama took 'key administration posts.'

Officeholders spend roughly half their time raising funds for reelection, and candidate feasibility is judged by fundraising ability. Only 0.37% of the population supplies about 70% of all the money in politics.

In 2012, the Adelsons single-handedly prolonged Newt Gingrich's primary run via $20 million in donations; they then donated another $130 million to other political organizations = roughly the same amount each presidential campaign spent in the 2000 election. One hundred and fifty-nine other individuals, corporations, and interest groups also gave $1 million or more. The Koch brothers funnel hundreds of millions of dollars to preferred organizations and candidates. Members of important congressional committees tend to take in 10 - 30% more donations during their tenure, much from the same industries affected by their work.

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