Sabtu, 31 Januari 2015

@ Download Ebook Winterworld, Vol. 1: La Niña, by Chuck Dixon, Butch Guice

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Winterworld, Vol. 1: La Niña, by Chuck Dixon, Butch Guice

The apocalyptic international comics sensation of an Earth turned to an icy hell is back with all new stories by co-creator Chuck Dixon, and Butch Guice doing some of the best work of his illustrious artistic career, as they take on the bleak and frozen future. Collects the first four issues of the new series.

  • Sales Rank: #734510 in eBooks
  • Published on: 2015-01-07
  • Released on: 2015-01-07
  • Format: Kindle eBook

Most helpful customer reviews

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
God do i love a good post-apocalyptic comic series...
By LorenGIII
Finally, the post-apocalyptic comic mini series i loved as a teenager returns, and it's just as great as the original mini series. Scully and Wynn on a new epic adventure of brutally cold environmental chaos and dreary survival... Jeez, this would make such a fantastic film! And the colored art by Guice is just phenomenal, a fitting replacement to the late great Zaffino fron the original series. This is the best action comic on the stands right now. If you love post-apocalyptic survival tales like Road Warrior, A Boy And His Dog, or the great brutal westerns of the 70s which are cleverly incorporated into this story in places... This is what i wanted. Just great stuff. Additonally, I am glad it was not reprinted in black and white like the first series was by IDW, maybe if this new series does well they will re-release the original in full color. More post-apocalyptic comics rule!

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Winterworld Volume 1: La Nina
By Marablaise
This volume contains the first four issues of Winterworld. All four issues are great, both the story and the art are really good, which is great since I really picky when it comes to art and the art in this graphic novel is just the kind that I like. Also, I really like this dystopian world. Everything is frozen and you have to fend for yourself and it's great to follow Scully and Wynn as they journey together.

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
It's a pretty straightforward, post-apocalyptic survival story
By Matthew C. Tull
If you've read the original mini-series from 1988, this new ongoing series picks up right where that story left off. That said, you certainly don't need to have read the mini to follow this new series. It's a pretty straightforward, post-apocalyptic survival story, but it's also a classic road-trip story, as well. Butch Guice's art is perfect for this title, and carries on much of the atmosphere set by Jorge Zaffino, back in 1988. Chuck Dixon is a master of action/adventure stories, and his sense of pacing is unparalleled in comics. These stories move along breathlessly, but never feel overtly lightweight. When there are pauses in the action, they are meaningful and sometimes surprisingly emotional. Great characterization, great pacing, humor, action, and some of the best artwork in the business. I'd recommend this series to pretty much anyone; it's extremely accessible, but especially for anyone who is a fan of the following things: The Walking Dead, The Massive, Lazarus, and also movies like Mad Max, Road Warrior, The Thing, Paper Moon, Bonnie & Clyde, Lost Horizon, or any of Wim Wenders' road movies. Great series.

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Kamis, 29 Januari 2015

^ PDF Ebook Ideas with Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution (Studies in Postwar American Political Development)

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Ideas with Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution (Studies in Postwar American Political Development)

There are few intellectual movements in modern American political history more successful than the Federalist Society. Created in 1982 to counterbalance what its founders considered a liberal legal establishment, the organization gradually evolved into the conservative legal establishment, and membership is all but required for any conservative lawyer who hopes to enter politics or the judiciary. It claims 40,000 members, including four Supreme Court Justices, dozens of federal judges, and every Republican attorney general since its inception. But its power goes even deeper.

In Ideas with Consequences, Amanda Hollis-Brusky provides the first comprehensive account of how the Federalist Society exerts its influence. Drawing from a huge trove of documents, transcripts, and interviews, she explains how the Federalist Society managed to revolutionize the jurisprudence for a wide variety of important legal issues. Many of these issues-including the extent of federal government power, the scope of the right to bear arms, and the parameters of corporate political speech-had long been considered settled. But the Federalist Society was able to upend the existing conventional wisdom, promoting constitutional theories that had previously been dismissed as ludicrously radical. As Hollis-Brusky shows, the Federalist Society provided several of the crucial ingredients needed to accomplish this constitutional revolution. It serves as a credentialing institution for conservative lawyers and judges and legitimizes novel interpretations of the constitution that employ a conservative framework. It also provides a judicial audience of like-minded peers, which prevents the well-documented phenomenon of conservative judges turning moderate after years on the bench. As a consequence, it is able to exercise enormous influence on important cases at every level.

A far-reaching analysis of some of the most controversial political and legal issues of our time, Ideas with Consequences is the essential guide to the Federalist Society at a time when its power has broader implications than ever.

  • Sales Rank: #433782 in Books
  • Published on: 2015-01-30
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 6.40" h x 1.00" w x 9.30" l, .0 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 264 pages

Review

"Ideas have consequences because they develop in social networks of power and influence. In this impressive work, Amanda Hollis-Brusky shows how the Federalist Society network of lawyers, judges, scholars, and activists successfully pushed American constitutional law to the right. This book is an important contribution to the study of constitutional change."
--Jack M. Balkin, Knight Professor of Constitutional Law and the First Amendment, Yale Law School


"A valuable, well-researched addition to the growing literature on the conservative legal network. Rich in detail, thoughtful in execution."
--Michael Greve, George Mason University School of Law


"Ideas with Consequences is a major achievement. Hollis-Brusky makes skillful use of a large body of evidence within her theoretical framework to illuminate the role of the Federalist Society in shaping legal doctrine in the Supreme Court. In the process, she provides a richer understanding of how political and intellectual networks help to bring about constitutional change."
--Lawrence Baum, The Ohio State University


"The Federalist Society takes no positions, files no lawsuits, lobbies no legislators, and gives no political contributions. It is a debating society-though perhaps the most important one in American constitutional history since Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madison had dinner by themselves. In Ideas with Consequences, Amanda Hollis-Brusky shows how a loosely-organized group of lawyers, students, and professors with little of the conventional signs of political power have had such a profound influence on constitutional law. Students and scholars of the Constitution in both law and politics will want to read this book."
--John Yoo, Emanuel S. Heller Professor of Law, University of California at Berkeley School of Law


"A fascinating, convincing, and highly readable account of how the Federalist Society has contributed significantly to the Supreme Court's conservative turn and to fundamental changes in constitutional doctrine."
--Ann Southworth, Professor of Law, University of California, Irvine


"...this is an excellent account of how an ambitious, and intellectually fearless, organ-iza-tion has proved to be remarkably talented at facilitating constitutional change."
-- Weekly Standard Magazine


"Using rich archival research and interviews with legal elites, Amanda Hollis-Brusky sheds needed light on the Federalist Society. Her analysis shows how it not only helped organize the conservative legal movement but also affected the language and direction of key judicial decisions. The result is a convincing argument that hte ideas formed in the Federalist Society have had, and continue to have, serious consequences.
--Political Science Quarterly


About the Author

Amanda Hollis-Brusky is Assistant Professor of Politics at Pomona College where she teaches courses in Constitutional Law, Legal Institutions, and American Politics. She has written on the conservative legal movement, the Christian Lawyering movement, Originalism, and Executive power. Her articles have appeared in journals such as Law and Social Inquiry and Studies in Law, Politics, and Society.

Most helpful customer reviews

4 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
The Federalist Society at Work
By Ronald H. Clark
There are several recent books on the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies. A good general introduction is Steven Teles, "The Rise of the Conservative Legal Movement: The Battle for Control of the Law," which I reviewed earlier on Amazon. Teles outlines generally the genesis of the organization, how it is organized, and the methods whereby it undertakes to educate its conservative membership on legal and judicial issues. Founded in the 1980's, during the Reagan administration, the organization has become extremely influential in articulating conservative views of constitutional interpretation (such as Originalism) and credentialing members who subsequently became federal judges or otherwise served in government and academic positions. Both Teles and the present volume make it clear that the Society as an organization does not seek to directly itself influence public policy, but rather it educates its members who then become involved in important litigation which has had a major impact on significant constitutional issues in the Supreme Court and other federal courts.

What makes this extraordinary book so valuable is that the author explains how Society "networks" exercise influence upon Supreme Court Justices as they render important decisions on key issues. The amount of research that has gone into this book, which began as the author's Ph.D. dissertation at Berkeley, is phenomenal. The 50 pages of notes reflect the thoroughness of the author's research, including law review articles, legal materials (e.g., amicus briefs), and an impressive list of key interviews going back to 2008 with important Society players. While sometimes as a good social scientist the author employs technical terms such as "political epistemic network," she carefully explains their meaning such that the general reader should have no fear that her language is too technical to understand.

The heart of the book is found in analyses of some highly significant Supreme Court decisions to demonstrate how ideas flow from Society members to receptive Justices. Those cases include the "Heller" second amendment holding; the "Citizens United" campaign finance case; important cases limiting the sweep of the commerce clause and invoking the Tenth Amendment; and even the recent Affordable Care Act decision.

The network concept is central here, as it ties together various Society actors in an unified enterprise. First, through various means, the Society educates its members continually. There are endless national conferences on legal topics; the formation of practice groups occurs; lawyer and student chapters are active; national student conferences are frequent; as are National Lawyer Conventions. Newsletters and journals are circulated; teleforum calls and panels at national meetings are frequent; and on occasion special projects, such as election law, are emphasized and supported. When researching particular issues, members can consult the Annotated Bibliography of Constitutional and Libertarian Legal Scholarship which lists approved articles and books addressing various legal topics. Much of this material, but not all, is written by Society members. So what the author terms "intellectual capital" can be employed in amicus or primary briefs as support for various conservative positions being asserted in the Court. As a result, impressive legal pleadings can be directed at the Court, and if the Justices are receptive (since many are members of the Society), the Court may adopt some of these Society arguments. The author employs a helpful diagram devices which shows how many Society members (acting as amicus curiae, litigators, clerks of the Justices, and the Justices themselves) are involved in each decision under analysis. These network campaigns can take years as supportive articles and books are written and appropriate cases are accepted for review by the Court--but the networks' impressive successes attest to the potency of this approach. The recent reversal of long-standing Court decisions in the commerce and federalism areas also demonstrates how effectively the process works. With five members of the current Court being Society members or closely affiliated with the organization, it is not surprising that the networks have achieved such high levels of success.

An important issue which the author does not address is whether we should be concerned about the networks had their impact upon Supreme Court decisions. Given the author's rich background of knowledge, and her position teaching political science at Pomona College, I think it would be most interesting for her to share her views on this issue. In any regard, anyone interested in the Court and its recent decisions in some vital areas, as well as the enormous impact of the Federalist Society, will find this book indispensable and an excellent example of superior scholarship. The author is to be commended for her diligence and contributions to our understanding of this important group and movement.

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Five Stars
By natural health counselor
for my husband and he did like it.

11 of 19 people found the following review helpful.
Takeover Without Representation
By David Wineberg
Ideas and Consequences is nominally about the Federalist Society, founded in the Reagan era to promote conservative views among lawyers. It is young enough to allow Amanda Hollis-Brusky to gather interviews and documentation all the way back to its founders. It is philosophically close to the political Tea Party - conservative, libertarian, almost anarchic in its views on individual rights and local governance.

The Federalist Society has three pillars: that the state exists to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental powers is central to the US Constitution, and that it is emphatically the province and duty of the judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be. The book is structured around those principles, and Supreme Court decisions involving them.

It is a genuinely frightening look at a political movement that has chosen to take power via the judicial branch. It does not run candidates in elections, it has no party organization, it seeks no public approval. It has instead chosen to inculcate law students through meetings at universities, and networking. Some 48,000 attend these meetings, keeping the 40,000 strong membership vital. As they rise to power as lawyers, professors, civil servants, clerks to judges, and to judgeships themselves, they become, in their own word, "gatekeepers". Its leaders brag it has "a de facto monopoly on the credentialing of rising stars". Recently, this included "absolutely every lawyer" in the Bush Administration. They seek exclusion of others and promotion of their own, vetting them and then keeping them in check once they have achieved power. They have an explicit goal of creating "an alternative elite". This undermining of the entire American system is the "consequences" of the title, and what the book is really about.

The "ideas" are the originalism theory of the constitution, states' rights, individual liberties extended to corporations, and a diminution of the federal government.

Their positions are often difficult to swallow, and the author takes no position. On the Second Amendment, they have decided "the people" means every individual, not the collective population, as had been the interpretation for 200 years, even though that makes no sense in the context of "a well regulated militia". For separation of powers, they mean giving as much as possible to the states, creating a sort of European Union rather than a cohesive country. For judges saying what the law is and not what it should be, this only applies after they have reinterpreted them to reflect the Federalists' notions of what they should be. For example, in the Second Amendment case, they go so far as to claim there is a "mistake" in the Privileges Or Immunity Clause, because it does not specify arms. Similarly in freedom of speech, Justice Scalia claims there is "not a scintilla of evidence" the founders wanted to prevent corporations from having freedom of speech, though the First Amendment does not include them.

Federalist lawyers present their cases to the Supreme Court, sometimes at the "invitation" of the fellow-member justices, write friend of the court papers in other cases, and feed judges ammunition through their Bibliography and direct contact. Decisions and dissents by the four justice-members show direct copying from those documents.

As much as I disagree with some Federalist positions, this is not a book to disagree with. It is a neutral, fair, unbiased look at the words and deeds of its members. It looks at their conferences, their papers, their speeches and their pleadings. It maps their connections in the court cases. It does not judge or take any positions itself. There is no evaluation of their ideas. Otherwise, it would be 2000 pages instead of 200.

David Wineberg

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Minggu, 25 Januari 2015

> Download PDF The Legal Environment Today (Miller Business Law Today Family), by Roger LeRoy Miller, Frank B. Cross

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The Legal Environment Today (Miller Business Law Today Family), by Roger LeRoy Miller, Frank B. Cross

Based on content required by the Association to Advance Collegiate Schools of Business, THE LEGAL ENVIRONMENT TODAY: BUSINESS IN ITS ETHICAL, REGULATORY, E-COMMERCE, AND GLOBAL SETTING, 8e equips you with working knowledge of business-related laws while strengthening the critical reasoning skills you need to interpret and apply them. Coverage includes the latest on cyber law, social media, privacy, corporate responsibility, financial and credit card reforms, health-care laws, and much more. Using carefully selected cases, the text helps you identify and resolve legal issues you may encounter in the business world. Hypothetical situations and exercises, ethical discussions, and international considerations give you further insight into how business law applies to your everyday life and future career. In addition, exam preparation sections in the text and online access to interactive flash cards, quizzing, and other tools help maximize your course success.

  • Sales Rank: #27662 in Books
  • Published on: 2015-01-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 1.10" h x 8.30" w x 10.10" l, .0 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 864 pages

About the Author
Roger LeRoy Miller has served on the faculty of several respected universities, including the University of Washington, Clemson University, and the University of Miami School of Law. As a professor, he has taught intellectual property law and entertainment law, among other subjects. A widely published and respected author, his work has appeared in the Insurance Counsel Journal, Defense Research, California Trial Lawyers Journal, Antitrust Bulletin, Wisconsin Law Review, and Connecticut Law Review. He has authored or co-authored numerous authoritative textbooks on law, including BUSINESS LAW: TEXT & CASES; BUSINESS LAW TODAY: TEXT & SUMMARIZED CASES; and THE LEGAL ENVIRONMENT TODAY. Professor Miller completed his studies at the University of California at Berkeley and University of Chicago.

Frank B. Cross is the Herbert D. Kelleher Centennial Professor of Business Law at The University of Texas at Austin Law School, where his research centers on judicial decision-making, the economics of law and litigation, and traditional policy and doctrinal issues in administrative law. He has written several books as well as pieces for the Yale Law Journal, Columbia Law Review, University of Chicago Law Review, New York University Law Review, Texas Law Review, Virginia Law Review, Cornell Law Review, Georgetown Law Journal, Northwestern Law Review, and UCLA Law Review. A former president of the Academy of Legal Studies in Business, Professor Cross received his B.A. from the University of Kansas and J.D. from Harvard Law School.

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2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Five Stars
By Daisy
The book gave great examples and was written in terms that most people will understand.

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Easy read!
By Rachael Bro
This textbook is such an easy read and it gives multiple court cases to explain different laws, etc. I rented from amazon and the textbook I received was used but had it not had the used sticker on it I would have assumed it was brand new. Very happy with my rental!

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Amazing book. No tears
By mccaster pollard
Amazing book. No tears, it was in perfect condition. It covered all of the topics that were related to my class sessions.

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Sabtu, 24 Januari 2015

!! Ebook Capitalism v. Democracy: Money in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, by Timothy Kuhner

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Capitalism v. Democracy: Money in Politics and the Free Market Constitution, by Timothy Kuhner

Capitalism v. Democracy offers the key to understanding why corporations are now citizens, money is political speech, limits on corporate spending are a form of censorship, democracy is a free market, and political equality and democratic integrity are unconstitutional constraints on money in politics. Supreme Court opinions have dictated these conditions in the name of the Constitution, as though the Constitution itself required the privatization of democracy. Kuhner explores the reasons behind these opinions, reveals that they form a blueprint for free market democracy, and demonstrates that this design corrupts both politics and markets. He argues that nothing short of a constitutional amendment can set the necessary boundaries between capitalism and democracy.

  • Sales Rank: #78120 in Audible
  • Published on: 2015-01-26
  • Format: Unabridged
  • Original language: English
  • Running time: 818 minutes

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8 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
"Socialism for tycoons, capitalism for the rest of us."
By Tom Holzel
This is an astonishingly erudite exposition of the problem of money corrupting politics and how the Roberts Court is unwittingly harming real capitalism by misreading the Constitution. But it is not just another dreary leftwing jeremiad about the evils of capitalism; indeed, Kuhner defends true capitalism from its evil twin, "crony capitalism." The latter is a form of 18th Century mercantilism where a theocratic or aristocratic elite controlled all commerce for its own benefit by restricting access to labor, commercial rights and markets. Money in politics today is the new mercantile elite. It is ever more evident in producing the same distortion of the invisible hand of price and product allocation by lobbying for favorable tariffs, tax exemptions, avoidance of legal restrictions such as pollution controls and safety regulations that apply to less wealthy corporations.

The central issue is not whether capitalism and democracy is the best system--that issue has been long settled--but how the two forces should interact. How is liberty to be protected and wealth produced? What activities should be governed by the state and which by the market? These issues have all too often only been addressed by academics with sharp ideological axes to grind and with only the most slanted historical analysis on which to pin their half-baked arguments.

While a distinct liberal, Timothy Kuhner is not, I repeat, not an anti-capitalist (which I'm sure will dishearten his more ardent admirers). He emphasizes this time and again: "Properly understood...the interests of capitalism are aligned with the public interest itself," and "society suffers when capitalism is corrupted." (p 256).

What his complaint is, is that "crony capitalism" is ruining both democracy by corrupting all politicians, and capitalism by distorting its unparalleled ability to produce wealth and well-being.

As an economics major in the very distant past, I cannot remember ever having read such a well-argued exposition that balances the issues so perfectly between law, politics, economic theory and history--and without the obligatory corrosive impetus to slide in sly jabs at Republican politics. The jabs are overt, well placed and carefully dissected. The only complaint I have, and it is a mere nit compared to the monumental stature of this exposition, is that while the harmful effects of conservative policies are well documented, there were no strong examples of the overwhelming liberal excesses of killing the capitalistic goose with a thousand government programs. Ah, well, at 351 pages maybe the next book will handle that side of the equation.

4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Highly, highly recommended
By @BobbyGvegas
My email to the author:
__

About 2/3rds through now. Your book is to Constitutional history and SCOTUS as Nomi Prins' "All the Presidents' Bankers" is to the FIRE sector.

As fine a takedown of Originalism and Public Choice theory as I've ever encountered, btw. More broadly, thus far an erudite immolation of the prevailing, enervating BS that is giving me a migraine.

Were I still teaching collegiate Critical Thinking / Argument Analysis, yours would be a required text.

Cheers-

BobbyG
__

UPDATE: I finished it. My Kindle reader copy is awash in yellow highlighter. A tour de force of jurisprudential scholarship and principled moral reasoning. A very important book, particularly in the wake of the SCOTUS Hobby Lobby ruling.

7 of 9 people found the following review helpful.
U.S. Democracy is Increasingly Subservient to Capitalists
By Loyd Eskildson
It took several constitutional amendments over about 200 years to prevent political power from being officially conditioned upon property ownership, sex, and race. Today, however, political power is increasingly conditioned upon wealth - undoing much of the impact of those struggles for inclusion. Officeholders have become increasingly beholden to big donors, interest-groups, corporate political power - leaving ordinary citizens with a diminishing role.

As of the 2012 election, it costs about $1 billion to become president, $10 million to become a senator, and $1 million to become a member of the House of Representatives. Spending in U.S. congressional and presidential campaigns topped $6 billion in 2012, up from $5.3 billion in 2008, $4.2 billion in 2004. President Obama appeared at 221 fundraisers in 24 states during the 2012 election season, vs. 101 rallies in ten states during the same period. Romney's fundraising was similarly rigorous and notably more informative than his public appearances. SuperPACs and dark money groups raised more than the national party committees - the majority of superPAC funds came via seven-figure checks. Dark money groups, such as Karl Rove's Crossroads GPS and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, do not have to reveal the identities of their donors - thus, the people and interests behind $400 million in 2012 spending will never be known. After the 2008 election, nearly 80% of those who collected over $500,000 for Obama took 'key administration posts.'

Officeholders spend roughly half their time raising funds for reelection, and candidate feasibility is judged by fundraising ability. Only 0.37% of the population supplies about 70% of all the money in politics.

In 2012, the Adelsons single-handedly prolonged Newt Gingrich's primary run via $20 million in donations; they then donated another $130 million to other political organizations = roughly the same amount each presidential campaign spent in the 2000 election. One hundred and fifty-nine other individuals, corporations, and interest groups also gave $1 million or more. The Koch brothers funnel hundreds of millions of dollars to preferred organizations and candidates. Members of important congressional committees tend to take in 10 - 30% more donations during their tenure, much from the same industries affected by their work.

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Kamis, 22 Januari 2015

> Ebook Free Ernest Belfort Bax: The Legal Subjection of Men, Vol 3 (The Collected Works of E. Belfort Bax), by E. Belfort Bax

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Ernest Belfort Bax: The Legal Subjection of Men, Vol 3 (The Collected Works of E. Belfort Bax), by E. Belfort Bax

From the founding father of the Men's Human Rights Movement. This volume contains many selected pieces of his writing, most over 100 years old, which demonstrate that the legal issues faced by men in the 19th and early 20th centuries. And in doing so he explains just how predictable our lot was for the 21st Century. This concludes the three part series from the unquestioned father of the men's movement.

  • Sales Rank: #1279207 in eBooks
  • Published on: 2015-01-27
  • Released on: 2015-01-27
  • Format: Kindle eBook

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7 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Irrefutable proof of male subjection
By Liam Hood
Bax looks at legal discrimination against men, and proves his point with countless examples. Intro explains that ideologues attempted to suppress the book. 5 stars.

3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
A Masterpiece of Masculism from the Forgotten Forefather of the Modern Men's Rights Movement
By VEL – The Contemporary Heretic
If any fundamental tenet of feminism enjoys even more widespread assent than that which asserts that women are oppressed in the contemporary West, it is that which asserts that women were even more oppressed prior to the emergence of modern feminism.

Indeed, even many critics of modern feminism concede that women were oppressed in these earlier times, insisting only that this is no longer the case. Female privilege, to the extent it is acknowledged at all, is dismissed as a minor recent side-effect of feminism itself

Those who believe this - as well feminists themselves, their apologists and fellow-travellers in the mainstream media, as well as 'Men's rights activists' and any others with an interest in 'sexual politics' - would do well to read 'The Legal Subjection of Men', first published in 1897, and now available in the public domain free via the internet.

Its authorship is usually attributed to Ernest Belfort Bax, a leading early twentieth-century British socialist and anti-feminist. However, Bax himself, writing in a preface to a later edition, reports that the work "is in great part the work of an Irish barrister and LL.D. of Dublin" whom he does not name.

Its publication is usually dated to 1908 - but this appears to be a "new addition". An earlier version, published by Twentieth Century Press, appears to have been published in 1897. Its authorship is attributed simply to "two barristers", who presumably sought anonymity to avoid persecution by feminists.

Page references cited in this review refer to the 1909 edition published by New Age Press.

The book's title is an allusion to John Stuart Mill's famous, 'The Subjection of Women' (1869), to which 'The Legal Subjection of Men' was apparently conceived as a response. However, it differs in one respect. Bax and his co-author focus specifically on 'The LEGAL Subjection of Men'. Their focus is therefore on discrimination against men in the legal system.

As a result, the style is rather dry and legalistic and also somewhat repetitive. Nevertheless, it is mercifully succinct - a pamphlet rather than a book.

It is not comprehensive. Despite Bax's socialist background, there is no discussion of discriminatory employment protection legislation (e.g. the 1842 Mines And Collieries Act, which, though celebrated as prohibiting child labour, actually sanctioned the employment of boys as young as ten underground in mines, while prohibiting the employment of women of any age).

Its thesis is simple - far from being oppressed, "down to the minutest detail of law and administration, civil and criminal, women are iniquitously privileged at the expense of men" (pvii).

The "muscular inferiority of women," they suggest, "plays a part, half unconsciously, in the apathy of most men on the question of female privilege" (p61). Yet, "it would be just as reasonable to suppose that because the Czar of Russia... were less muscularly developed than the average Russian peasant, that the possibility of the Russian peasant being seriously oppressed by the Czar... was a proposition to be laughed at" (p61-2).

In reality, "the bravest and strongest man is as weak as a child against the overwhelming force of the state" and "any woman can at will summon to her a power no man can resist... the whole power of the courts and the community, backed up by the press and public opinion" (p56-7).

Discrimination and the Law

Discrimination against men in the operation of the law takes two forms. Firstly, "The express letter of the law discriminates in the sharpest possible manner between men and women in the matter of legal right and duty, of civil law advantage and criminal law exemption"(p3). Secondly, "the letter of the law is supplemented by the bias of tribunals and by the bias of the press and of public opinion, of which opinion, after all, the action of the tribunals is but the reflection" (p3).

Unfortunately, the authors are not always clear in distinguishing the one from the other. For example, in their chapter on the matrimonial law, one subsection is entitled: "Impunity to Murder Husband" (p29) - almost as if a statutory provision had expressly conferred on wives the right to murder their husbands.

Of course, this is an exaggeration. In reality, "the law on murder and violence are nominally the same for men as for women" (p29-30). The favourable treatment of female offenders manifests itself instead through "the tacit warping of the Criminal Law in favour of women by the bias of judge, jury, and the press" (p33).

In respect of wives who kill their husbands, the usual procedure is to reduce the charges to manslaughter and impose "a shamefully inadequate or possibly a merely nominal sentence" (p30) - a procedure now institutionalized through the invention of 'battered women syndrome' (see The Abuse Excuse).

Thus, a recent US study found that husbands who killed their wives received sentences almost three times as long as those imposed on wives who kill their husbands (Langan & Dawson 1995:piii).

Matrimonial Law

It is nowadays widely assumed that, until recent reforms, matrimonial law overwhelmingly favoured husbands at the expense of wives. Yet, even in Bax's day, it was widely acknowledged that the marriage contract favoured wives.

As early as 1851, Schopenhauer, in his essay 'On Women', observed that, "in our part of the world, where monogamy is in force, to marry means to halve one's rights and to double one's duties", while HL Mencken, writing in 1922, observed, "under the contract of marriage, all the duties lie upon the man and all the privileges appertain to the woman" such that "when a man marries it is no more than a sign that the feminine talent for persuasion and intimidation... has forced him into a more or less abhorrent compromise with his own best interests" (In Defense of Women).

Indeed, the family law of early twentieth-century Britain differed from the situation prevailing today chiefly in the explicitness with which the wife was favoured. Today the pro-female bias of the family courts is concealed before a façade of gender-neutrality. Then, discrimination against husbands was overt.

Maintenance

Modern feminists sometimes claim that, in the nineteenth century, women 'were denied property rights'. This belief stems from a misunderstanding of the doctrine of coverture, whereby the legal personalities of man and wife were subsumed.

Actually, coverture applied only to married women. Unmarried women always had the same property rights as unmarried men.

Moreover, husbands were under a legal obligation to maintain their wives. As a result, married men's property rights were also strictly delimited as their property could be seized by the courts on their wife's behalf.

As Bax and his co-author observe, "As against her husband, the law confers upon a woman who has married him the unilateral privilege of maintenance" (p6) and "the most violent methods, including imprisonment and sequestration of the property of the husband, are employed to enforce her claim" (p7). Thus, he is reduced to "her earning slave, bound to work for her or go to prison" (Ibid.).

In contrast, "A wife, no matter if rolling in wealth, is not obliged to contribute a penny to her husband's support, even if he be incapacitated from work through disease or accident" (p7) and "by the Married Women's Property Acts [which granted independent property rights to wives] a woman has complete control over all property acquired or inherited by her in any way, free from any claim on the part of her husband" (p8).

"The sole exception which the law makes", they observe, "is that if he be actually in such destitution as to go to the workhouse, then the wealthy wife is obliged to pay, not to her husband, but the local authorities, the cost of his maintenance" (p7).

Even after death, "a woman has complete power of leaving her property away from her husband, by will, even though in his prosperity he gave it to her", whereas "the husband can be prevented from doing so, by the wife's suing him for maintenance, when his property, or as much of it as judges think fit, is settled on her" (p9).

Yet, the authors observe, "the bulk of women's property, in 99 out of every 100 cases, is not earned by them at all" but rather "arises from gift or inheritance from parents, relatives, or even the despised husband" and "wherever there is any earning in the matter, it is notoriously earning by some mere man or other" (p9).

A wife's right to maintenance was not dependent on her performing her own side of the marriage contract - "even a wife who, against her husband's wish, leaves the house after assaulting and insulting him can obtain against him an order for restitution of conjugal rights [i.e. the sequestration of the husband's property]", yet "no disobedience to a like order on her part enables her property to be confiscated or herself... sent to prison" (p8).

Whereas "a woman can have her husband arrested and sent to gaol if he leaves her, even though her own violence and cruelty led to his flight" (p22), under "Lord Chancellor Cairns' Act 1884" wives could no longer be imprisoned for desertion (p23).

No remedy was available to the husband of a deserting, adulterous wife, who neglects her children, household and husband - but he still had to pay for her maintenance. Thus, "The revolutionary theory of equality, is applied only on one side, and it is assumed as an axiom that a wife is kept and has a right to do precisely as she pleases" (p60).

Maintenance, Offspring and Adultery

Wives' right to maintenance were not forfeited even in the event of adultery - "the latest charter of female privilege, the statute of 1895, gives her claims [to her husband's property] regardless even of her adultery" (p8).

Moreover, men were legally obliged to maintain, not only their wife, but also her offspring. Yet "no matter how flagrant her conduct the wildest dream never suggested that the wife's 'earnings'... no matter how exorbitant, should ever be touched for the benefit even of her children" (p12).

Thus, since paternity-tests did not exist, under the 'presumption of legitimacy' husbands were even charged with the maintenance of their wives' illegitimate offspring. Thus, "if a woman commits adultery she may introduce a bastard child to her husband's family, and saddle him with a pecuniary burden" (p21).

Sexual double-standards were therefore defensible. Yet, to the extent they had legal force, sexual double-standards actually favoured women.

Thus, unlike in the case of men, "no civil action lies against any woman of full age for the seduction of a minor" (p53) and "no action, civil or criminal, lies against a woman who induces a married man to have illicit relations with her" - whereas "a man who seduces or is seduced by a wife has the satisfaction of... paying enormous costs and damages--the latter being settled on the delinquent wife" (p54).

Divorce

The authors reports, "Any woman, by the asking for it, can get a summary separation and confiscation of her husband's property, and an order for her maintenance out of his earnings from the nearest police court" and "this process, which costs only a few shillings, the husband has to pay for" (p12).

In contrast, however, "No man can obtain a divorce except... at a minimum charge of forty pounds" (p12) - at that time, equivalent to a year's wages for many working men. Thus, " the man is in a state of legal subjection to his wife" (p13).

The Flipside of Coverture

To the extent that the doctrine of coverture is remembered today, it is associated with the denial of property right to married women. Meanwhile, the flipside of coverture - whereby a husband was liable for unlawful acts committed by his wife - is largely forgotten.

Yet, whereas by 1900 the Married Women's Property Acts had already conferred upon married women independent property rights that actually went beyond those of their husbands (see above), the flipside of coverture remained in force.

Curiously the authors never use the word 'coverture'. However, they well understand the principle, explaining how "the husband is liable, and his wife is not, for all the civil wrongs (torts) she may commit" (p11) and "wherever a pecuniary fine is imposed, nominally on the wife, the husband is the vicarious sufferer" (p18).

Thus, a married woman could neither be imprisoned for debt nor have her property seized (p52), conferring on married women, in effect, a "licence for her to break any contract at pleasure" (p53).

Men could even be imprisoned for their wives' crimes - on the basis that, "If her husband is present when she is committing a crime, a married woman is presumed... to have acted under his coercion" (p11).

This presumption was famously ridiculed by Dickens in a passage from 'Oliver Twist' that is much-quoted - but rarely in full. Mr Bumble, the pompous beadle turned strangely-sympathetic henpecked husband, on being told that, although he acquiesced in his wife's offending only under duress, nevertheless "you... indeed are the more guilty of the two, in the eye of the law; for the law supposes that your wife acts under your direction", replies:

"If the law supposes that... the law is a ass- a idiot. If that's the eye of the law, the law is a bachelor; and the worst I wish the law is, that his eye may be opened by experience - by experience!"

The Whipping of Women

Even in the case of sentencing practice in the criminal courts where the law has traditionally conferred broad discretion on judges, overt discrimination in "the express wording of the law" was not unknown. The law on corporal punishment provides a particularly flagrant example.

"By express enactment," the authors observe, "no one but a male can he sentenced to corporal punishment" (p50). Unfortunately, Bax et al do not name the statute in question (The Whipping of Female Offenders Abolition Act 1820).

Thus, at the time the authors were writing, the whipping of women had been prohibited for over eighty years - yet "Men and boys... are, flogged like dogs for the most trivial disrespect to the governor and other officials" (p150).

Indeed, whipping remained a prescribed penalty even for boys as young as seven and for offences as minor as theft and property damage. The 1911 Encyclopaedia Britannica entry on "corporal punishment" (available free online), reports:

"The whipping of women was absolutely prohibited in 1820 by the Whipping of Female Offenders Abolition Act of that year. But there are numerous statutes authorizing the imposition of a sentence of whipping on male offenders" including "males under sixteen" guilty of any of "many statutory offences e.g. larceny... malicious damage", in respect of which the punishment was limited to the following number of lashes: "if a boy is over 7 and under 12, not more than 6 strokes, if he is over I 2, but under 14, not more than 12 strokes may be inflicted".

Indeed, the whipping of male offenders was only belatedly abolished by the Criminal Justice Act 1948 (section 2) - almost 130 years after the same penalty had been abolished for women.

Criminal Sentencing

More often discrimination in the administration of criminal law was concealed behind a nominal façade of gender-neutrality. The authors write: "The express wording of the law-and, much more, the tacit warping of the Criminal Law in favour of women by the bias of judge, jury, and the press--has created a regular system of conferring privileges on women as against men, or against the community in general" (p33).

Although the law is nominally identical for both genders, prosecutors and police are less likely to bring prosecutions of female defendants, juries are less willing to convict, and judges impose more lenient sentences. Unfortunately, this means that discrimination can generally only be conclusively demonstrated statistically.

However, unable to conduct quantitative research, Bax and his co-author rely instead on anecdote, recounting the lenient treatment accorded various recent individual female offenders.

Often this treatment does not always seem, to modern ears, especially lenient. However, it must be remembered that the relevant comparison is not with contemporary sentencing practices, but rather with the punishments imposed on male offenders of the same time and place - when whipping, hard labour and hanging were commonplace.

Of course, the problem with anecdotal evidence is that one can always protest that the authors are selectively citing only those cases that confirm their thesis. However, at least in respect of contemporary sentencing practices, this rejoinder is no longer tenable.

In the last century, more rigorous studies have quantitatively confirmed the suspicions of Bax and his co-author - namely, that female offenders are sentenced more leniently than males (Hedderman & Hough 1994; Spohn and Beichner 2000; Mustard 2001; Streib 2001; Streib 2002; Rodriguez et al 2006; Streib 2006; Curry et al 2004; Jeffries et al 2003; Blackwell et al 2008; Embry and Lyons 2012.).

The most recent and rigorous study found that, after controlling for prior criminal history, convicted women are only half as likely to be sentenced to incarceration as men convicted of the same offences, and receive, on average, 60% shorter sentences (Starr 2012).

There is reason to believe that this 'chivalry factor' favouring female defendants was just as formidable in Bax's day. Indeed, given then still prevailing Victorian attitudes regarding 'delicate' nature of the 'fairer sex', the effect is likely to have been magnified and Bax and his co-author provide ample anecdotal evidence that this was indeed the case.

The authors identify two exceptions where the leniency usually accorded female offenders is forfeited:
1) "If the offence has been committed by one woman against another";
2) "If the offence is by a baby farmer [caretaker], committed against other women's babies".

Interestingly, both these exceptions still hold good. With regard to offences against women, studies find that both male and female offenders are punished more severely when their victims are female (Williams & Holcomb 2004; Curry 2010; Curry et al 2004).

Likewise, women who are convicted of killing other women's children remain hate figures (e.g. Myra Hindley, Mary Bell in the UK). Yet, in contrast, women who kill their own children are treated leniently, unlike fathers guilty of the same offence (Wilczynski & Morris 1993) - a form of discrimination that has now been given statutory force, with the Infanticide Acts of 1922 and 1938.

Suffrage

The quintessential exemplar of women's supposed subjugation in late-nineteenth and early twentieth century Britain is the denial of the franchise. Bax and his co-author deal with this issue brusquely:

"Electoral disqualifications are often attendant on special privilege," they observe. For example, "the Royal Family of this realm, with all their branches, are debarred from the exercise of both the passive and the active franchise. And yet no one pleads that, say, the Prince of Wales, is, in consequence, a cruelly oppressed personage" (p63).

At any rate, no women suffered directly as a result of the denial of the franchise. They only suffered to the extent that male electors voted for laws that themselves discriminated against women. In fact, however, a Parliament both composed of and elected by men alone actually passed legislation explicitly discriminating against men themselves (e.g. the 1820 Whipping of Female Offenders Abolition Act, the 1916 Military Service Act etc.).

It can therefore be argued that the male monopoly on voting rights actually paradoxically benefited women.

[Interestingly, Moxon contends that women were denied the vote in national elections only because men alone paid taxes and were conscripted into the military - and, prior to the expansion of governments' roles, taxation and conscription was the extent of their impact on individuals. In contrast, he observes, at the local level, women have always voted: The Woman Racket: pp108-27.]

A Golden Age of Equality?

Modern feminists (and no few opponents of feminism) concur that late-nineteenth and early twentieth-century Britain was an era of patriarchy, male privilege and female oppression. A reading of 'The Legal Subjection of Men' dispels this myth.

An obvious question, then, is whether the patriarchy postulated by feminists was ever a reality.

Interestingly, Bax and his co-author themselves suggest that, in the then recent past, a degree of, if not equality, then at least of balance existed in the administration of the law.

Thus, while wives could demand maintenance, "The earlier law made this privilege dependent on her obedience, cohabitation with her husband, and her observance of outwardly decent behaviour" (p7). Similarly, "under the earlier law... ecclesiastical censure restrained the deserting wife" and "under the common-law" a husband "could prevent her by force from leaving his house, and could bring her back if she had escaped" (p22).

However, given that the era of supposed male privilege and patriarchy described by feminists (namely, Bax's own) turns out, on closer inspection, to be anything but, we have reason to be sceptical of similar claims regarding an even earlier era. The belief in a golden era, an Eden before The Fall, seems to be a recurrent human superstition, from the 'primitive communism' envisaged by Marx to the Matriarchal Prehistory postulated by feminists.

The authors themselves acknowledge this, writing "even the disabilities of women in past times have been grossly exaggerated" and were "for the most part the necessary outcome of women's position as non-combatants in a rude fighting age" - concluding "an impartial student of history must admit that, however badly men have treated their fellow-men, they have always treated women with comparative generosity" (p62).

In his recent work The Privileged Sex historian Martin Van Creveld argues persuasively that the privileged position accorded women is a universal feature of human societies throughout recorded history. Presumably this reflects an innate proclivity among men to behave protectively and chivalrously towards females.

Epilogue - WWI

The tragic epilogue to 'The Legal Subjection of Men' cannot be ignored. Just six years after the publication of the New Age Press edition, what was to be the greatest armed conflict in European history broke out and men across Europe were conscripted and sent to the trenches.

In response, celebrated suffragette Emmeline Pankhurst temporarily suspended her terrorist campaign for the enfranchisement of women to instead make speeches exhorting men to enlist, while her supporters handed white feathers to men in civilian dress.

There was, of course, not a peep from these self-styled champions of gender equality that women ought to be forced to fight alongside men. Indeed, the Pankhursts explicitly rejected this notion.

"It was not necessary for women to go to 'the trenches'" Emmeline is quoted as observing, "since it was women who brought children into the world and thus perpetuated the human race" (Purvis, Emmeline Pankhurst: A Biography: at p269); while her daughter Christabel observed, "You must remember that if the men fight, the women are the mothers" and concluded, "if women do not actually take part in the fighting... that argues no diminution of their claim to political equality" (Marwick, Women at War 1914-1918: at p30).

Bax himself had already provided the response to this line of argument, observing out that, although women give birth, "there is no governmental compulsion that they should do so" and that they "do so in the performance of a natural function, not as a public duty" (Bax 1909). Any analogy with conscription is therefore completely misplaced.

However, in 'The Legal Subjection of Men' the authors focus on the then situation in the UK. They do not discuss the issue of military service because, at that time, Britain, alone among the Great European Powers, did not rely on conscription.

With the coming of WWI, this soon changed. In 1916, Parliament passed the Military Service Act, introducing conscription for unmarried men.

Married men, at first, were exempt. It was one thing for men to lose their lives - quite another for wives to lose their husbands, meal tickets and main source of income.

Soon, however, conscription was extended to married men, and, by the war's end, 700,000 British men had been killed, while across Europe casualties numbered ten million.

Historian Martin Van Creveld observes, "In the Western world since the French Revolution the right to vote was often a direct consequence of, or at any rate went together with, conscription" (Men, Women & War: p210). Yet, within a year of the conclusion of WWI, British women were granted the vote. A year later, the USA followed suit.

Perversely, this reform was hailed as a 'reward' for women's 'contribution to the war effort' - a contribution that consisted of, firstly, doing safe work on the home-front of the sort men had done even before the war and, secondly, handing out white feathers. Meanwhile, men whose contribution to the war effort was comparable (i.e. conscientious objectors) were actually penalized by having their vote withdrawn for a decade (Goodall, A Question of Conscience: p70).
__________

In the years since the publication of 'The Legal Subjection of Men', the reality of men's legal subjection has changed greatly in detail but little in extent.

Bax and his co-author began their discussion by observing, "John Stuart Mill is dead! But his eloquent wail of the subjection of women is never let die-it rings in our ears every day" (p1).

Today, Mill's role in the genesis of feminism is downplayed, largely on account of his sex. However, the thesis he championed still 'rings in the ears' and is 'never let die' today over 150 years after he penned it and over a hundred since Bax and his co-author penned their equally eloquent yet largely forgotten rejoinder.

Meanwhile, recently rediscovered by a new generation of self-styled 'Men's Rights Activists', Ernest Belfort Bax is enjoying a minor resurgence. Once hailed as a leading British socialist, he is now coming to be recognised as the forgotten forefather of the modern Men's Rights Movement. Meanwhile, his anonymous co-author, for better or worse, remains anonymous to this day
__________

References

Bax 1909 Women's Privileges and 'Rights"', Social Democrat, 13(9) September 1909, pp.385-391)

Curry 2010 The conditional effects of victim and offender ethnicity and victim gender on sentences for non-capital cases. Punishment & Society 12(4):438-462

Curry et al (2004) 'Does Victim Gender Increase Sentence Severity? Further Explorations of Gender Dynamics and Sentencing Outcomes', Crime&Delinquency, 50(3):319-343.

Demuth & Steffensmeier (2004) 'Impact of Gender and Race-Ethnicity in the Pretrial Release Process' Social Problems 51(2):222-242

Embry & Lyons (2012) 'Sex-Based Sentencing: Sentencing Discrepancies Between Male and Female Sex Offenders'. Feminist Criminology 7(2):146-162

Freiburger & Hilinski (2010) 'The Impact of Race, Gender, and Age on the Pretrial Decision' Criminal Justice Review 35(3):318-334

Hedderman & Hough (1994) 'Does the Criminal Justice System Treat Men and Women Differently' Home Office, UK.

Jeffries et al (2003) Pathways to Sex-Based Differentiation in Criminal Court Sentencing Criminology 41(2):329-354;

Langan & Dawson (1995) 'Spouse Murder Defendants in Large Urban Counties' (U.S. Department of Justice: Bureau of Justice Statistics)

Mustard (2001) 'Racial, Ethnic and Gender Disparities in Sentencing: Evidence from the US Federal Courts Social Science Research Network' XLIV:285-314.

Rodriguez et al (2006) 'Gender Differences in Criminal Sentencing: Do Effects Vary Across Violent, Property, and Drug Offenses?' Social Science Quarterly 87(2):318

Spohn & Beichner (2000) 'Is Preferential Treatment of Female Offenders a Thing of the Past? A Multisite Study of Gender, Race, and Imprisonment', Criminal Justice Policy Review, 11(2):149-184

Starr, (2012) Estimating Gender Disparities in Federal Criminal Cases (August 29, 2012). University of Michigan Law and Economics Research Paper, No.12-018

Streib (1997) 'America's aversion to executing women', Ohio Northern University Women's Law Journal, 1:1-8

Streib (2001) 'Sentencing Women to Death' Criminal Justice Magazine 16(1)

Streib (2002) Gendering the Death Penalty: Countering Sex Bias in a Masculine Sanctuary, Ohio State Law Journal 63:433

Streib (2006) Rare and Inconsistent: The Death Penalty for Women, Fordham Urban Law Journal

Williams & Holcomb (2004) The Interactive Effects of Victim Race and Gender on Death Sentence Disparity Findings Homicide Studies, 8(4):350-376

Wilczynski & Morris Parents Who Kill Their Children' (1993) Criminal Law Review 31-36

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Everyone knows that -- with rare exception -- girls are fatally drawn to jerks! Upon discovering the sobering truth, Penny takes it upon herself to form her own underground club to identify these boneheads and cure her girlfriends of their addiction to them! But starting a school-wide revolution miay be more complicated than she thought! Designing clothes is one thing, but designing a new standard for the battle of the sexes may be beyond even Penny.

  • Sales Rank: #1582322 in eBooks
  • Published on: 2015-01-21
  • Released on: 2016-04-08
  • Format: Kindle eBook

Most helpful customer reviews

7 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
definately not pyrate!!!
By J. Soles
I actually bought this hopeing to to get into a new manga...Luckly, it was great.. a quick summary...Penny is retelling of her sophmore year in high school. Her best friend is with a cheating boyfriend who is gorgous, talented, charming, and a major jerk...one day while studying her geology homework, she discovers fool's gold. She decides that it is appropriate for those popular jerks. She forms an undercover club for girls. Soon she has to deal with school work, falling for guys, her fashion designing, losing a friend... etc

The manga in not in traditional manga format, so for someone who hasn't read one before, it is easy to follow... This was my first by an American author.... It wasn't bad..it was good.

2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Promising first volume
By Monica
I found the plot for this story very original and interesting. The character development was also very good. You'll easily fall in love with Penny, the main character. I think the best thing about this book is the drawing style. I character clothes are very inventive and well drawn. I wish I could own similar clothes. I hope the second volume turns out to be good as well.

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